‘Bangha considered “social redistribution and governmental intervention to be appropriate tools”. These tools, according to Bangha, create the possibility to eliminate the imbalances that—as he puts it—are caused by mega-wealth concentrated in a few hands. In turn, these measures are embedded in a larger social reform, meaning the reformation of public life based on the Christian spirit and the re-elevation of Christianity to the status of the state’s main principle.’
According to the sources reviewed, it is evident that Jewish communities were subjected to the same extent of plundering by the short-lived Communist regime in 1919 as the Christian churches.
Budaváry’s biography needs to be amended to also include his actions during the Holocaust, which distinguish him from other antisemitic politicians.
Rabbi Baruch Oberlander highlighted the fact that although in the Western media Hungary is often portrayed as a place where anti-Semitism is still a major concern, Hungary is one of the safest European countries for Jews to live in.
It is a key and unique fact that the existing county system of Hungary continues to bear the signs of the state organization efforts of Saint Stephen.
Bangha was hated by everyone: the protestants because he was a traditional Catholic, the Catholics because of his supposed compromises, the racists because he was seen as a liberal, the liberals because they thought he was still an antisemite, and the pro-Horthy government because they thought Bangha was a Habsburg loyalist.
This is Budapest: a big city that dreamed and then built for itself a colourful past during the last decades of the old world, in those final moments before the dawn of modernism.
Prime Minister Viktor Orbán stated that Hungary needs economic relations, not ideological ones, with both East and West in terms of future high technologies.
The 95-year-old 56er Tibor Weinzierl (Várnay) talks about his adventurous life in Hungary, Canada and the US: his experiences as a prisoner of war, his musical career, his emigration, and his work ethic. Still very fit and active, Tibor Weinzierl worked until he was 87, then started compiling his book at the age of 90.
In a rare show of good faith and positivity, US Ambassador to Hungary David Pressman attended a joint exercise of American and Hungarian soldiers in Szentes, Hungary. At the event, he emphasized the importance of the military alliance between the two nations.
The Second Hungarian Army, during the autumn and winter of 1942, prepared to hold up the incoming Soviet offensive coming from the direction of Stalingrad. As the Germans lost the siege of the city in all but theory, it was practically sure that the Soviets would advance toward the River Don. Thus, the Hungarian troops were left to defend the bridgeheads from the Soviets, who outnumbered them seven to one.
The catastrophe of the Second Hungarian Army at the River Don is a well-known and traumatic memory for most Hungarians. The army formation was deployed near Stalingrad, and was almost entirely destroyed by the Soviets in 1943, leaving many Hungarian families with deceased relatives.
The tragic fate and bravery of Gusztáv Jány, Commander of the Hungarian Second Army, mirror those of his troops, and, in many ways, of Hungary itself.
Hungary is a hospitable land with exceptionally friendly people, a country known for welcoming millions of tourists annually. That kindness, however, shall not be mistaken for weakness, as over the course of history, Hungary has proved it is a birthplace of warriors, valiancy, and engineering ingenuity that brought about effective military technologies.
Political philosophy that is clearly separated from legal philosophy could not really take root in Hungary either in the Renaissance or in the 18th–19th centuries. Outstanding experiments such as certain writings of Count István Széchenyi or Aurél Dessewffy, the ‘Ruling ideas’ of Baron Eötvös or some excellent political essays by Zsigmond Kemény remained isolated experiments. Ottlik is one of the first Hungarian practitioners of political philosophical thought who can be integrated into the Western traditions of political thinking.
‘Many Jewish citizens from European nations like Sweden are enduring levels of hostility that are non-existent in Hungary. In contrast, Yacov Hadas-Handelsman, the current Israeli ambassador to Hungary, earlier this year named Hungary as one of the safest nations for Jews to live in. Furthermore, the Jewish community in Hungary is not only thriving, but also one of the largest in Europe.’
The Austro–Hungarian Empire was not a colonial empire in the traditional meaning of the word—however, there were a number of attempts on the part of the Dual Monarchy to establish overseas territories, some of which even had moderate success.
‘The speed and eagerness with which Hungarian clubs sought to return to their old identities, with all the loyalties and connections they represented, demonstrated the power of these emotional and social meanings. And it was just as clearly a mark of the utter failure of the Party to co-opt and utilise the power of football for its own purposes. The Party abandoned the micro-management of football, paralleling its wider realisation after 1956 that, while its authority was still non- negotiable, it could and would not protect and justify it through the politicisation of society or the ideological mobilisation of the people.’
Hungary is not just a great country to live in, but also a nation with rich history that sparked the attention of many excellent historians from all around the world. A list of books about Hungarian history definitely worth reading.
Popular for its oriental gastronomy and classic café atmosphere, this busy spot of the capital has become a real cultic public space over the past years. It is open every day of the year, from morning till night, and is always full of students, writers, actors, journalists, artists, freelancers from the creative professions, and anyone else who wants to be part of one of the most, if not the most, chic meeting places on the bustling Bartók Béla Boulevard.
Despite the Hungarian fervour and the crime plot introduced and dropped in the story, the film was no success. Hungarian viewers could not relate to the characters in a film portraying an overseas world.
Faludy, one of the greatest Hungarian poets and literary translators of the 20th century, never really found his place in any system; he sooner or later became a nuisance to everyone, and even if sometimes made compromises, always did so provocatively, originally and with talent.
György Szöllősi, who serves as both the chief editor for the Hungarian sports daily Nemzeti Sport and Vice President of the International Sports Press Association Europe was invited to give the keynote address at a football cup organized by the Hungarian diaspora living in North America in Chicago, Illinois. However, despite his high prestige in his profession, his visa application was inexplicably denied by the US Embassy in Hungary.
‘One of the most dangerous trends we are seeing in the West is the increasing deployment of the rule of law for instrumental political ends. We are seeing this in the European Union, just as we are seeing it used in the United States, with those in power invoking the rule of law as a weapon against political dissidents and adversaries. This should alarm all of us, no matter where we are personally situated on the political spectrum. ‘
The creation of the Grand Boulevard was one of the most ambitious projects ever of the City Works Council, established in 1870. Spanning 25 years, the construction of the road leading from Margaret Bridge to Boráros Square in Pest was carried out in phases, significantly influencing the city’s spatial structure.
The birth of an ever-changing art, modern photojournalism is linked to a world-famous Hungarian: Robert Capa. A permanent exhibition in Budapest introduces visitors to his exceptional life and work.
‘Gárdonyi was a unique personality, a distinctive Hungarian writer, in both his good qualities and his faults. He cannot be branded or put in a box. He must be seen in the light of what he created, with his insightful criticisms taken to heart, and his failures appropriately assessed.’
‘One might conclude that only rogue states wage war without declaring it, yet the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the prolonged military involvements in Afghanistan and Iraq were not preceded by a declaration of war issued by the United States Congress either.’
Hungary’s place among the nations, and especially in Europe, is one of the most debated issues in Hungarian political thinking. Analysing the so called ‘kuruc–labanc’ dichotomy helps to better understand the present-day disputes between Brussels and Budapest.
During the last decade, an increasing academic and intellectual effort has emerged to define and redefine Hungarian conservatism. Better understanding 19th-century conservatives is crucial to this process, as these movements are where the roots of Hungarian conservatism lie.
Hungarian Conservative is a quarterly magazine on contemporary political, philosophical and cultural issues from a conservative perspective.