Hungarian Conservative

The cordon sanitaire as used by the EP today is not a reasonable political tactic to block parties that are radical beyond reasonable doubt, but a way for the political elite to block the will of the people, hollowing out the very purpose of democratic elections: to determine the political elite of the polis.

By Wednesday evening it became clear that the Polish Law and Justice (PiS) party would not join Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s new right-wing alliance, Patriots for Europe. Meanwhile, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) party is showing a growing willingness to do so, which could set off an avalanche of changes from which Orbán could only emerge victorious.

‘Patriots for Europe will, within days, become the largest right-wing political group in the European Parliament,’ Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán stated in Vienna on Sunday. In our analysis we look at which parties could join the newly formed alliance.

‘We need to win in each and every country because as conservatives that’s what we believe in, sovereign nation states,’ PiS MEP Radosław Fogiel nailed down in an interview with Hungarian Conservative.

Ignacy Czwartos’ exhibition was picked by an open competition during the time of the conservative PiS administration to be displayed at the 2024 Venice Biennale. However, the new Minister of Culture of the new Tusk government overruled the decision and cancelled the project.

Local elections are an important episode in the power play for the leadership of the two largest parties in Poland. After the ultimate defeat of his party in the general election Jarosław Kaczyński came under heavy criticism, with demands that he resign and take responsibility for the electoral failure. PiS coming out on top on 7 April is expected to silence these voices and stabilize Kaczyński’s position.

‘The unfreezing of funds is a turning point in the EU⁠–⁠Poland relationship—one that had become very strained in recent years—and of course a major political success for the new cabinet. But that is not the only reason why the Commission decision is so instructive: the damage to the rule of law in Poland, which was so widely reported on in the European press in recent years, appears to have been reversed in less than two months, to the extent that the European Commission was willing to waive the withholding of EU funds, which is undoubtedly a very effective tool for blackmailing reluctant member states.’

‘An optimistic scenario is that the coming years in opposition would be used by conservative forces in Poland similarly to what Viktor Orbán and his camp did during the years 2002–2010 spent in opposition.’

As the European Parliament elections approach, Manfred Weber, President of the European People’s Party, has entered campaign mode, with a focus on demonizing Viktor Orbán and the European right. Meanwhile, speculation continues regarding which political group Fidesz will align with in the next EP.

In essence, Europe needs Poland and Hungary, Polish MEP Ryszard Czarnecki argues. An interview about double standards, rule of law concerns about the Tusk administration, and the key role of conservative journalists and experts in the conservative European realignment.

According to Italian press reports, on the margins of the latest EU summit Viktor Orbán indicated that Fidesz is ready to join the ECR after the elections. The move would significantly swell the ranks of the ECR, considering that Fidesz is projected to win 14 seats (of Hungary’s 21), sending quite a sizable delegation to the European Parliament.

For Hungary, this is an unmitigated disaster. While Robert Fico’s return to power in Slovakia offers some reason for optimism, Hungary’s northern neighbours certainly will not replace the Poles as steadfast, influential allies in Europe.

This year marks a pivotal moment for the right-wing parties of Europe, as the anticipated shift in political dynamics is poised to unfold across the continent. In this article, we delve into the prospects and potential for the European right in the year 2024.

‘Once the power transition issue subsides, revenge is likely to become a central issue in Polish politics. Among the presumed incoming government’s proposals are journalistic purges and political show-trials, precisely the sort of banana-republic behavior anti-PiS voices have long alleged on the part of the outgoing government.’

The new Polish government is quite likely to not be able to deliver on many of its crucial election promises, which may create legitimacy problems. And this is far from being the only difficulty: if the new government is unable to change the laws that led the EU to launch the Article 7 and the so-called rule of law proceedings against Poland, there may be serious economic consequences for the country.

Duda justified his decision to entrust Morawiecki with forming the government by stating that he is following the good parliamentary tradition, which gives the winning party the first opportunity to do so. He also mentioned that in accordance with the constitution, if the first attempt at forming a government fails, a second round will involve an absolute majority vote in the lower house of the parliament.

On the European level, the representatives of Poland and Slovakia often share concerns and vote together with Hungary, especially Poland—at least, it did so until now. While Bratislava is most likely to develop even closer cooperation with Budapest with Fico’s victory, Warsaw will most certainly cease to be the staunch ally it used to be.

‘The effective exploitation of the sentiments of disappointment and hatred towards those in power and the embarrassment of parochial Polishness in opposition to an enlightened Europe triggered an incredible effect in the form of votes from young voters. Young voters most of whom, despite their youthful ideological fervour, do not recall the consequences of the rule of the opposition parties, especially the left-wing one, which they once again helped enter parliament.’

‘According to recent polls, neither United Right nor Civic Platform will be able to form a government on its own…Donald Tusk’s situation seems easier in that he may have a realistic chance of including both the aforementioned Lewica and the Third Way alliance in the future governing coalition. This does not mean, however, that it would be easy for him to govern with these parties, and indeed such multi-party coalitions—let us not forget that the KO is itself an alliance—are often not very stable and long-lived.’

Balázs Hidvéghi spoke up at a session of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE), calling on the European Left to stop its incessant attacks on Poland.