Hungarian Conservative

On Sunday, Hungarians went to the polls in an atmosphere of heightened emotions. The day after the election that saw a record turnout several conclusions can be drawn: the traditional left has nearly disappeared, anti-Hungarian conduct in the EP has been punished by voters, and Fidesz remains by far the strongest party. However, there are still many unanswered questions, especially regarding the next steps of the newcomer Tisza party.

Viktor Orbán expressed gratitude to all Hungarian voters who decided to participate in the dual election. He noted that the turnout for the municipal and European Parliament elections on Sunday was record high in Hungary, reaching 57 per cent.

While 13 per cent of Hungarians would vote for Magyar’s party in the EP elections, which represents a significant shift in just a few weeks, the new party has failed to attract uncertain or inactive voters, nor has it gained significant support from Fidesz voters; its voters come largely from supporters of left-wing parties, causing losses for each of them.

MP Fekete-Győr was convicted of assault on a public official, for throwing a smoke grenade at police officers at a 2018 protest. István Hollik of the ruling Fidesz party has called on him to resign, which he is refusing to do.

A brief review of the European policy of the Hungarian Government and of that of the domestic opposition.

Led by Hungarian MEPs Katalin Cseh and Anna Donáth, the left-wing majority in the European Parliament persisted in depriving Hungarian students and researchers of the benefits of Erasmus+. In a statement issued after the EP vote, Fidesz MEPs described the actions of the far-left Momentum MEPs as disgraceful.

The governing Fidesz-KDNP party coalition in Hungary has maintained their support, while fewer would vote for the parties of the left-wing alliance than did in 2022, as revealed by a joint political year-opening roundtable discussion organized by five polling institutes on Thursday, 11 January in Budapest.

While the new liberal government in Poland has brought the country to the brink of a constitutional crisis within a month, Hungarian MP Márton Tompos from the leftist Momentum party is apparently looking to emulate the Polish Prime Minister, and is threatening with similar retaliation in the low chance of a leftist takeover in Hungary.

After Viktor Orbán delivered his address at Tusványos, opposition parties did not hesitate to slam the PM and the speech.

There are two models of opposition—one that is based on cooperation and one that is based on absolute rejection. While democracies are characterised by cooperation between the ruling and opposition parties, out-of-power parties in Hungary are unwilling to cooperate with the ruling coalition, which results in their ineffectiveness.

It remains to be seen, however, if this desperate craving for attention, and the aggressive and violent actions that some of the opposition forces engage in are appealing to the Hungarian electorate. It is more likely that meaningful, constructive actions, and a comprehensive and relevant political agenda would benefit these opposition parties more than any of the stunts they have been recently engaging in.

Not only has the left-wing camp become more fragmented due to Péter Márki-Zay’s movement becoming an independent party, and the former leader of Jobbik founding a new movement, but it has also shrunk in terms of popular support.

Both Nézőpont Intézet, typically associated with the governing party, and Medián, generally viewed as closer to the opposition, put Fidesz ahead of the strongest opposition party, the Democratic Coalition (DK), by over 35 percentage points.

As customary, this year, too, all major party leaders in Hungary delivered remarks. The messages of the various politicians on the lessons for today of Hungary’s revolutionary and heroic past could not have been more diverse.

The offshore scandal in which Judit Rácz Földi of DK has been implicated serves as an excellent opportunity for Momentum to take on DK in the struggle for dominance on the left.

Many politicians from smaller and less successful opposition parties have transferred to DK since the last election in April 2022. The reshuffling of old faces, however, is unlikely to bring more electoral support for DK.