Ferenc Deák, the primary facilitator of the Austro–Hungarian Compromise of 1867, the country’s first Minister of Justice, and the namesake of so many public spaces and institutions in Hungary today, passed away 148 years ago on this day.
Mexico and Hungary are connected not only by their similar flag colours, or their shared love for hot and spicy food. Their histories also intersected multiple times, one example being when a Habsburg archduke briefly ruled the Latin American nation.
The 13 martyrs of the 1848–49 Hungarian War of Independence are commemorated on 6 October every year. However, the struggle for independence had other, forgotten heroes, too, like General János Lenkey, the ‘14th martyr of Arad’.
István Bethlen was a dominant figure in early twentieth-century Hungarian politics. Contemporary conservatives have much to learn from him regarding consolidation, pragmatism, and opposing radicalism.
This Saturday marks the anniversary of the death of Prince Emeric, the first Hungarian heir to the throne, who died at a tragically young age. His death during a hunting accident gave rise to conspiracy theories about his assassination and turned the wild boar into an unusual political actor and symbol in Hungarian history.
Hungarian cinemagoers have been craving enjoyable historical films for a long time. Finally, Hadik arrived, which, although not faultless, is a great example of the genre well done.
Francis Joseph, King of Hungary and Emperor of Austria, was born on 18 of August in 1830. He left a complex legacy, but, at least in Hungary, he is mostly remembered as a benevolent fatherly figure.
The kuruc-labanc dichotomy did not disappear during the early nineteenth century: it only assumed a different form and became stronger. During the Era of Reform, the kuruc sentiment was wedded to classical liberalism and liberal nationalism.
The kuruc-labanc dichotomy was transformed into a Hungarian version of ‘Court and Country party’ during the early modern age. This framework dominated Hungarian politics during most of the epoch, as well as in the nineteenth century.
The debates between the Hungarian government and the European Commission often grab the headlines in the international media these years, with the issues of contention between Budapest and the EC usually being co-existence, sovereignty, and shared responsibility. However, there is indeed nothing new under the sun: Hungary had to grapple with such issues under the more than 300 years of Habsburg rule.
Hungary’s place among the nations, and especially in Europe, is one of the most debated issues in Hungarian political thinking. Analysing the so called ‘kuruc–labanc’ dichotomy helps to better understand the present-day disputes between Brussels and Budapest.
During the last decade, an increasing academic and intellectual effort has emerged to define and redefine Hungarian conservatism. Better understanding 19th-century conservatives is crucial to this process, as these movements are where the roots of Hungarian conservatism lie.
‘Governor Lajos Kossuth thanked General Guyon for his victory in a letter, writing: “Please accept my and the homeland’s gratitude for your victory won on 14 July. I am looking forward to the rest of your generalship with hope, since where such a brave army is commanded by Guyon with the heart of a lion, nothing but victory can follow.”‘
It has been 174 years since Major Pál Vasvári and his Rákóczi Free Army were massacred near Havasnagyfalu (today Mărișel in Romania), on 6 July 1849. Despite all resistance forces, the memory of the young revolutionary and his fellow martyrs is a powerful cohesive force for the dwindling Hungarian community of the Kalotaszeg (Țara Călatei) region to this day.
According to poet and politician József Bajza, the Teleki House was a true bastion of the Hungarian language, which was in danger of erosion at the time. For his political activities, his role in improving public education, and his efforts in advancing Hungarian culture, Sámuel Teleki should be regarded as one of the greatest Hungarian figures in 18th–19th century Transylvania.
Sigismund of Luxembourg, the ruler who ascended the Hungarian throne in 1387, and whose first wife was the granddaughter of Charles I, could, of course, have heard of his predecessor’s order, and perhaps even followed his example when he himself founded the Order of the Dragon in 1408.
In the spring of 1848, there were a series of revolutionary movements aimed to overthrow or reform monarchical government systems and create new nation states throughout the whole of Europe, which partly contributed to the outbreak of the Hungarian Revolution in Pest on 15 March 1848.
Although the revolution and freedom fight was crushed, 15 March is not a day of mourning, but of delayed victory. While the defeat of the Revolution and Freedom Fight was followed by ruthless retaliation and even more oppression, eventually the Habsburg Empire was forced to reform and bow to many of the demands of the revolutionaries.
‘The right to free worship, a bulwark of Hungarian society, is due to the religious freedom conferred by the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II (1741-1790).’
Hungarian Conservative is a quarterly magazine on contemporary political, philosophical and cultural issues from a conservative perspective.